As VIP’s go, you can’t get much higher than a Saudi prince,
specifically billionaire Prince Alwaleed bin Talal al-Saud. With a Forbes net
worth rating of $16,5bn he is one of the richest men in the world and has large
holdings in some of the biggest global companies. I wrote about him some years
back (see When Billionaires pout) when the
prince threw some of his golden toys out of the cot at not being ranked higher
in the Forbes listing of richest people in the world.
Now he has been arrested among dozens
of princes and former government ministers as part of a sweeping
anti-corruption probe in the country; a difficult thing to fathom in a state
that has been rife with endemic corruption and is one of the most repressive
regimes in the world. In addition, the purge is clearly part of a very tangled
web being weaved around power in the royal family and in the broader context of
Middle East geo-politics. But it is the kind of action that might just lift the
Kingdom from its 62nd ranking in Transparency International’s corruption
perception index, which, surprisingly perhaps, is two ranks better than
South Africa. Top spot as the world’s “cleanest” nations is shared by Denmark
and New Zealand.
The global rebellion against corruption has become intense.
“In too many countries, people are deprived of their most
basic needs and go to bed hungry every night because of corruption, while the
powerful and corrupt enjoy lavish lifestyles with impunity,” says José Ugaz,
Chair of Transparency International.
Unemployment, poverty and especially inequality create a passionate
intolerance of brazen corrupt behaviour and of political largesse and nepotism.
It has been a key factor in the global assault
on the establishment and the rise of populism. One may be tempted to use
events in Zimbabwe as an example, but that has been more about political power
mongering than a popular uprising against corruption. This in itself shows how
corruption fuels political instability and factional conflict.
We are seeing much of that in South Africa too, but South
Africans themselves cannot be accused of indifference towards corruption. These
past few months in particular have seen an unprecedented public outcry against
the behaviour of some of the political and business elite, including household
names in institutional finance. Opposition parties have been active in
parliament, the streets and courts; parliamentary committee meetings have become
courtrooms with members of all parties practising their prosecuting skills;
investigative journalists are writing best sellers with new revelations each
day, and civic organisations have adopted law enforcement roles in various
ways. We salute them all. We should support them all. These are the good men
and women who do NOT allow evil to flourish by standing by and doing nothing
But what is needed now is for one or a few of our own
untouchable princes, including some of those in private sector institutions, to
be handcuffed in his or her office, marched to jail and subjected to robust prosecution.
We have named them. We have shamed them. They should now go to prison.
One can name, but one
cannot shame the shameless.
There is enough evidence to institute a high level
prosecution. Perversely, the public parading of all of this evidence is
aggravating perceptions both here and abroad, of the depth of corruption. We
have shown the world our dirty linen. We have not shown that we are prepared to
wash it. It’s a moot point whether there aren’t countries that are more corrupt
than South Africa, but rank better simply because of media and public
repression.
Perceptions drive trust and the biggest price we are paying
for both the levels of corruption and the uproar around it, is a widening of
the trust deficit. That has become an important factor in holding back economic
growth. Imprison one or a few high profile miscreants and trust will gain a
substantial boost. Legal retribution is now no longer only about fair play and
justice; but also about economic growth, credit ratings, jobs and prosperity.
Judicial commissions, parliamentary committees and
enquiries, may add to the heat, but will do little to burn the criminals. Like
the enquiry into tax morality, which is a ludicrous oxymoron. How can you can
expect tax morality when you have immoral tax spending?
There are many who are hoping that the much talked about
ANC’s elective conference next month will be some kind of watershed in the
fight against corruption. At least all candidates have included it in their
personal manifestos. It’s little more
than typical political incoherence and hypocrisy. It is doubtful whether this
fish has rotted only from the head, and that a different head will stop the
rot.
What was once viewed as the ruling party’s greatest strength,
has become its greatest weakness -- its strong decentralised power structure
and the power vested in its branches. From the early 90’s, elections in these
branches had become little more than job-hunting by unemployed cadres. Political
position was made convertible into employment in all forms of government, S.O.E.’s
and supply chain patronage. It was even a good credential to have in seeking
employment in the private sector. The extent to which this qualification
influenced appointments in executive and administrative positions has
undoubtedly aggravated poor service delivery, but its effects on the branches
themselves are now obvious in sometimes violent contestation for branch posts and
the degree to which branches, regions and even provinces are often in disarray.
Corruption has become systemic, not only in party
structures, but in the broad government and related bureaucracies. That is not
counter-intuitive to the need for prosecution at the top. It may not make a clean
sweep throughout political, government and private sector institutions, but
will certainly dramatically change foreign and domestic perceptions about
corruption in South Africa.
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